U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visits seven nations in Africa.

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visits seven nations in Africa next week, anxious to show the continent is a priority for the Obama administration even as it tackles a host of other issues.

She will visit Kenya, South Africa, Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo, Nigeria, Liberia and Cape Verde.

WHAT HAS THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION SAID ABOUT AFRICA?

President Barack Obama, whose father was Kenyan, gave a landmark speech in Ghana this month when he urged Africans to take greater responsibility for stamping out war, corruption and disease. He also said Western aid must be matched by good governance.

The Obama administration says Africa is a foreign policy priority, but with so many challenges from Iran and North Korea to the financial crisis, experts are skeptical how much attention the U.S. government will pay to the continent.

WHY IS KENYA IMPORTANT FOR THE UNITED STATES:

Kenya is America's key partner in East Africa. Clinton will press the Kenyan government to deal with corruption and political deadlock after the disputed 2007 election and urge the creation of a local court to handle the perpetrators of post-election violence.

Some Kenyans viewed Obama's decision to go to Ghana first as a snub to his 'homeland', but others felt it was correct not to reward the country's corrupt and tribally tinged political elite.

While in Kenya, Clinton will attend an annual trade meeting with sub-Saharan Africa nations.

The United States is looking into whether to suspend trading benefits it gives to Madagascar because of democracy concerns after last March's coup. Such a move could cause the country's $600 million-a-year textile industry to collapse.

WHY IS CLINTON MEETING SOMALIA'S PRESIDENT IN KENYA?

Clinton wants to bolster the shaky transitional government of President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed who is struggling to take control from hard-line opposition fighters bent on overthrowing his government.

The West fears Somalia could become a haven for foreign militants looking to attack the region and beyond.

The United States is also concerned about a rise in piracy off Somalia's shores, including attacks on U.S.-flagged ships. America's involvement in Somalia in the 1990s ended in a shambles and experts warn Clinton against inflaming the situation.

WHAT IS THE STATE OF U.S. RELATIONS WITH SOUTH AFRICA?

The Bush administration had a prickly relationship with South Africa's former President Thabo Mbeki, who was critical of the U.S. invasion of Iraq and other issues.

With new presidents in both countries, Clinton will want to reset relations and is expected to press Pretoria to be more of a global and regional player. Clinton's staff say she will press South Africa to use its influence to get Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe to implement reforms more quickly.

WHY IS ANGOLA INCLUDED IN THE SEVEN-NATION ITINERARY?

Oil producer Angola is seen as an emerging financial powerhouse in Africa. The United States imports 7 percent of its oil from Angola, which rivals Nigeria as Africa's biggest oil producer and heads the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries.

The trip could help boost U.S. investments in Angola's once-prosperous farming sector. U.S.-based Dole Food Co. and Chiquita Brands International, have been in talks with local authorities to invest in the banana industry. Clinton will encourage Angola to diversify -- it relies on oil and diamonds for 90 percent of its exports. Washington sees agriculture as a way to lift millions out of poverty in Africa.

WHAT WILL THE MESSAGE BE IN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO?

DRC is of huge strategic importance to the region and home to U.S. corporate interests in the mining industry, which is bogged down in a contract review.

An ongoing conflict in the east will be a focus and Clinton is set to visit Goma where she plans to highlight the plight of women who are raped and subjected to other atrocities. Another subject on her agenda with Congolese leaders will be the need to do a better job of fighting corruption.

WHAT WILL CLINTON DO IN NIGERIA?

Many in Africa's most populous nation, oil producer Nigeria, saw Obama's choice of Ghana for his first trip as a deliberate snub. Clinton's trip is partly aimed at mending that dented pride.

Security in the Niger Delta is a key concern as well as corruption, which is a major disincentive to investors. Nigeria's effort to contain violence by radical Islamists in parts of the north is also likely to be raised with more than 180 people killed in recent days.

WHY LIBERIA?

Clinton will be looking to bolster Africa's only woman president, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, on her brief stop in Liberia's capital Monrovia. Clinton will reaffirm U.S. development assistance for Liberia, which was founded by freed former American slaves.

Johnson-Sirleaf is seen by the outside world to be doing a good job fighting corruption but the country's Truth and Reconciliation Commission recently recommended she be barred from office because of her association with warlords.

WHY IS SHE STOPPING OVER IN CAPE VERDE?

Cape Verde is a popular refueling stop. A group of islands off the coast of Senegal, the United States sees Cape Verde as an African success story.

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It takes two to tango in accessing development aid.

Before and after the recent G-8 meeting in L’Aquila, Italy, stinging criticism was levelled by NGOs and developing country politicians at the rich countries for tending not to meet their aid commitments. While such criticism is fully justified the question arises whether aid recipients are without blame in this aid failure, a failure which in many cases threatens the growth potential and even survival of some developing countries, notably in Africa.

No fewer than 34 of the 49 countries classified by the United Nations as least developed countries (LDCs) are in Sub-Saharan Africa. These countries by and large do not have the capacity to generate savings in sufficient quantities to fund growth-facilitating investment. Poverty reduces household saving, the corporate sector is weak and generates little saving, while a poorly developed and narrow tax base does not permit government saving.

In order to grow investment in physical and human capital (the latter through increased public spending on health, education and training) LDCs, and often other developing countries as well, have to access foreign savings. For many LDCs, especially those without significant mineral resources, foreign investment and commercial borrowing cannot fill the savings gap, which means that these economies are absolutely dependent on foreign aid to make ends meet as far as public spending and investment is concerned.

However, as the saying goes, it takes two to tango, and in channelling aid to these economies more than a mere commitment on the part of donor countries to provide the resources is required. The aid-receiving countries must have the capacity, institutions and structures in place to use aid productively. No self-respecting sovereign country would like to see aid donors effectively replacing functions of government.

While it should be recognised that good governance often requires scarce resources, there is much that the governments of even the poorest countries can do with existing meagre resources and without reverting to expensive consultants to improve the quality of governance, a requirement that President Obama forcefully conveyed during his post-L’Quila visit to Ghana. The ubiquitous problem of corruption comes to mind, as do improving administrative systems, easing the regulatory environment, committing to growth-enhancing policies, developing institutions such as security of property rights, and actively reforming systems of land tenure that prevent the productive use land.

The absence of an aid-friendly environment, while not absolving donor countries from their aid commitments (neither does it explain why some countries do much better than others in honouring their commitments), can be an obstacle in the flow of aid. Not only does it reduce the size of aid flows but it could also perversely encourage more aid for less deserving recipients who have the capacity to absorb aid effectively.

Colin McCarthy, a tralac Associate, comments that it takes two to tango in accessing development aid. http://www.tralac.org/cgi-bin/giga.cgi?c=1694


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STATEMENT ON U.S. ECONOMIC OUTLOOK BY DR. NOURIEL ROUBINI

The following is a statement from Dr. Nouriel Roubini, Chairman of RGE Monitor and Professor, New York University, Stern School of Business:

“It has been widely reported today that I have stated that the recession will be over “this year” and that I have “improved” my economic outlook. Despite those reports - however – my views expressed today are no different than the views I have expressed previously. If anything my views were taken out of context.

“I have said on numerous occasions that the recession would last roughly 24 months. Therefore, we are 19 months into that recession. If as I predicted the recession is over by year end, it will have lasted 24 months with a recovery only beginning in 2010. Simply put I am not forecasting economic growth before year’s end.

“Indeed, last year I argued that this will be a long and deep and protracted U-shaped recession that would last 24 months. Meanwhile, the consensus argued that this would be a short and shallow V-shaped 8 months long recession (like those in 1990-91 and 2001). That debate is over today as we are in the 19^th month of a severe recession; so the V is out of the window and we are in a deep U-shaped recession. If that recession were to be over by year end – as I have consistently predicted – it would have lasted 24 months and thus been three times longer than the previous two and five times deeper – in terms of cumulative GDP contraction – than the previous two. So, there is nothing new in my remarks today about the recession being over at the end of this year.

“I have also consistently argued – including in my remarks today - that while the consensus predicts that the US economy will go back close to potential growth by next year, I see instead a shallow, below-par and below-trend recovery where growth will average about 1% in the next couple of years when potential is probably closer to 2.75%.

“I have also consistently argued that there is a risk of a double-dip W-shaped recession toward the end of 2010, as a tough policy dilemma will emerge next year: on one side, early exit from monetary and fiscal easing would tip the economy into a new recession as the recovery is anemic and deflationary pressures are dominant. On the other side, maintaining large budget deficits and continued monetization of such deficits would eventually increase long term interest rates (because of concerns about medium term fiscal sustainability and because of an increase in expected inflation) and thus would lead to a crowding out of private demand.

“While the recession will be over by the end of the year the recovery will be weak given the debt overhang in the household sector, the financial system and the corporate sector; and now there is also a massive re-leveraging of the public sector with unsustainable fiscal deficits and public debt accumulation.

“Also, as I fleshed out in detail in recent remarks the labor market is still very weak: I predict a peak unemployment rate of close to 11% in 2010. Such large unemployment rate will have negative effects on labor income and consumption growth; will postpone the bottoming out of the housing sector; will lead to larger defaults and losses on bank loans (residential and commercial mortgages, credit cards, auto loans, leveraged loans); will increase the size of the budget deficit (even before any additional stimulus is implemented); and will increase protectionist pressures.

“So, yes there is light at the end of the tunnel for the US and the global economy; but as I have consistently argued the recession will continue through the end of the year, and the recovery will be weak and at risk of a double dip, as the challenge of getting right the timing and size of the exit strategy for monetary and fiscal policy easing will be daunting.

“RGE Monitor will soon release our updated U.S. and Global Economic Outlook. A preview of the U.S. Outlook is available on our website: www.rgemonitor.com”
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Africa's Future: The West's Role

President Obama concluded weeks of travel not in Russia or Italy, but in Ghana. While there less than a day, he outlined four areas of partnership that begins, in his words, "from the simple premise that Africa's future is up to Africans."

This construction has become common to illustrate the limits external actors can play, allay concerns about neocolonialism, and inspire Africans. Yet, the challenges are significant. Governments in power do not necessarily want to reform, fight corruption, or improve institutional mechanisms that would weaken their hold on power. In spite of this, President Obama sees the starting point of partnership with "strong and sustainable democratic governments." He told the Ghanian Parliament, "In the 21^st century, capable, reliable, and transparent institutions are the key to success-strong parliaments; honest police forces; independent judges; an independent press; a vibrant private sector; a civil society. Those are the things that give life to democracy, because it is what matters most in people's everyday lives."

At the end of 2008, Freedom House characterized 18 out of 53 countries in Africa "not free" and 11 as "free." While African countries benefited from post-conflict reforms in the early 2000s, there have been sufficient reversals of freedom to be concerned. According to Freedom House, "political manipulation of ethnic and regional tensions and political intolerance by many of the region's leaders were clearly important contributing factors in a number of countries." We saw this last year in Kenya, which was considered one of the most stable African countries.

The second opportunity the president emphasized was supporting development. In contrast to the Cold War where development meant large infrastructure projects, the United States now seeks many small projects to provide greater opportunities for more people. This approach is different from China's that relies on building large public buildings as visible gift. However, history suggests that development is unlikely to occur when small businesses and the majority of the population are ignored. Micro-lending, facilitating investment, and lowering trade barriers in the United States and Europe will have the greatest impact. As we've learned, providing food assistance can have the short-term impact of famine relief, but can undermine sustainable agriculture and local economies. As development assistance increases, governments should understand the impact of the aid before it is dispersed.

The third area of cooperation is public health. With few exceptions, African states have higher child mortality rates, lower life expectancies, and poor water and air quality. As the world is learning from the H1N1 virus, a small boy in Mexico can be the start of a global pandemic. Disease knows no boundaries. To limit the scope of future pandemics, public health assistance is moving beyond HIV/AIDS and is addressing more common diseases of malaria and tuberculosis. This should also have a positive impact on development, which has been stymied by disease that impacts labor forces around the continent.

Finally, Obama addressed security in Africa. He sees it essential to partner through diplomacy, technical assistance and legal support. With the new US Africa Command up and running, it will be busy if it can develop sufficient partnerships with skeptical governments. As I wrote in the New Atlanticist last fall,

[AFRICOM commander General Kip] Ward has had to convince African leaders that U.S. goals for Africa are vastly different than those of its former colonial masters. This is difficult because of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq. At the time, Nelson Mandela criticized the United States: "If there is a country that has committed unspeakable atrocities in the world, it is the United States of America. They don't care." When one of Africa's heroes calls the United States dangerous, it generates obvious resistance.

Obama certainly draws on his family's experience in Africa to underscore that "it's easy to point fingers and pin the blame of these problems on others . . . . But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy, over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants." With this in mind, professionalizing militaries in Africa has been a major goal of the United States. Using military mentors, advisors and contractors to conduct the training in the host country, Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA) trains members of African militaries to be trainers and equips their militaries to conduct peace support operations and humanitarian relief. Since 2004, ACOTA has trained approximately 68,000 African soldiers and 3,500 African trainers from 21 African partner countries. US-trained and equipped forces are attempting to stabilize Darfur, Somalia, and Democratic Republic of Congo. Without this training and equipment, there would be even fewer options for international negotiators to bring peace to parts of Africa that lack adequate security.

While the number of available African peacekeepers has increased, current efforts are deficient and fall short of the goal of Africans providing for African security. Of the seven UN peacekeeping missions in Africa in 2009, only the hybrid UN-African Union mission in Darfur is composed of an African majority. Non-Africans primarily compose the other six UN operations. In addition to the short fall on UN missions, there are open billets on African Union peacekeeping missions too. In sum, there is a shortfall of at least 45,000 African peacekeepers necessary to meet the African Union objective of Africans providing for their own security.

Given standard deployment cycles, the number can be multiplied by three to account for forces that are training to deploy, be deployed, and recover from deployment. This is substantial and requires significant amounts of new resources from the United States, Europe, maybe China and India. Without security, it is unlikely that the other goals of improving governance, advancing development, and improving living conditions in Africa will be successful.

Derek Reveron, an Atlantic Council contributing editor, is a professor of national security affairs at the U.S. Naval War College in Newport, RI.

http://www.acus.org/new_atlanticist/africas-future-wests-role

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President Barack Obama's speech in Accra, Ghana

Good morning.

It is an honor for me to be in Accra, and to speak to the representatives of the people of Ghana. I am deeply grateful for the welcome that I've received, as are Michelle, Malia and Sasha Obama. Ghana's history is rich, the ties between our two countries are strong, and I am proud that this is my first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as President of the United States.

I am speaking to you at the end of a long trip. I began in Russia, for a Summit between two great powers. I traveled to Italy, for a meeting of the world's leading economies. And I have come here, to Ghana, for a simple reason: the 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra as well.

This is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America's. Your health and security can contribute to the world's. And the strength of your democracy can help advance human rights for people everywhere.

So I do not see the countries and peoples of Africa as a world apart; I see Africa as a fundamental part of our interconnected world — as partners with America on behalf of the future that we want for all our children. That partnership must be grounded in mutual responsibility, and that is what I want to speak with you about today.

We must start from the simple premise that Africa's future is up to Africans.

I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family's own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story.

My grandfather was a cook for the British in Kenya, and though he was a respected elder in his village, his employers called him "boy" for much of his life. He was on the periphery of Kenya's liberation struggles, but he was still imprisoned briefly during repressive times. In his life, colonialism wasn't simply the creation of unnatural borders or unfair terms of trade — it was something experienced personally, day after day, year after year.

My father grew up herding goats in a tiny village, an impossible distance away from the American universities where he would come to get an education. He came of age at an extraordinary moment of promise for Africa. The struggles of his own father's generation were giving birth to new nations, beginning right here in Ghana. Africans were educating and asserting themselves in new ways. History was on the move.

But despite the progress that has been made — and there has been considerable progress in parts of Africa — we also know that much of that promise has yet to be fulfilled. Countries like Kenya, which had a per capita economy larger than South Korea's when I was born, have been badly outpaced. Disease and conflict have ravaged parts of the African continent. In many places, the hope of my father's generation gave way to cynicism, even despair.

It is easy to point fingers, and to pin the blame for these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense bred conflict, and the West has often approached Africa as a patron, rather than a partner. But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. In my father's life, it was partly tribalism and patronage in an independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is a daily fact of life for far too many.

Of course, we also know that is not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or the need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. And with improved governance and an emerging civil society, Ghana's economy has shown impressive rates of growth.

This progress may lack the drama of the 20th century's liberation struggles, but make no mistake: it will ultimately be more significant. For just as it is important to emerge from the control of another nation, it is even more important to build one's own.

So I believe that this moment is just as promising for Ghana — and for Africa — as the moment when my father came of age and new nations were being born. This is a new moment of promise. Only this time, we have learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will determine Africa's future. Instead, it will be you — the men and women in Ghana's Parliament, and the people you represent. Above all, it will be the young people — brimming with talent and energy and hope — who can claim the future that so many in my father's generation never found.

To realize that promise, we must first recognize a fundamental truth that you have given life to in Ghana: development depends upon good governance. That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That is the change that can unlock Africa's potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans.

As for America and the West, our commitment must be measured by more than just the dollars we spend. I have pledged substantial increases in our foreign assistance, which is in Africa's interest and America's. But the true sign of success is not whether we are a source of aid that helps people scrape by — it is whether we are partners in building the capacity for transformational change.

This mutual responsibility must be the foundation of our partnership. And today, I will focus on four areas that are critical to the future of Africa and the entire developing world: democracy; opportunity; health; and the peaceful resolution of conflict.

First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments.

As I said in Cairo, each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with its own traditions. But history offers a clear verdict: governments that respect the will of their own people are more prosperous, more stable and more successful than governments that do not.

This is about more than holding elections — it's also about what happens between them. Repression takes many forms, and too many nations are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves, or police can be bought off by drug traffickers. No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top, or the head of the port authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. That is not democracy, that is tyranny, and now is the time for it to end.

In the 21st century, capable, reliable and transparent institutions are the key to success — strong parliaments and honest police forces; independent judges and journalists; a vibrant private sector and civil society. Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in peoples' lives.

Time and again, Ghanaians have chosen Constitutional rule over autocracy, and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously, and victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage and participating in the political process.

Across Africa, we have seen countless examples of people taking control of their destiny and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where civil society and business came together to help stop postelection violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three quarters of the country voted in the recent election — the fourth since the end of apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person's vote is their sacred right.

Make no mistake: history is on the side of these brave Africans and not with those who use coups or change Constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.

America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation — the essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. What we will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance — on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard; on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved; and on concrete solutions to corruption like forensic accounting, automating services, strengthening hot lines and protecting whistle-blowers to advance transparency and accountability.

As we provide this support, I have directed my administration to give greater attention to corruption in our human rights report. People everywhere should have the right to start a business or get an education without paying a bribe. We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don't, and that is exactly what America will do.

This leads directly to our second area of partnership — supporting development that provides opportunity for more people.

With better governance, I have no doubt that Africa holds the promise of a broader base for prosperity. The continent is rich in natural resources. And from cell phone entrepreneurs to small farmers, Africans have shown the capacity and commitment to create their own opportunities. But old habits must also be broken. Dependence on commodities — or on a single export — concentrates wealth in the hands of the few and leaves people too vulnerable to downturns.

In Ghana, for instance, oil brings great opportunities, and you have been responsible in preparing for new revenue. But as so many Ghanaians know, oil cannot simply become the new cocoa. From South Korea to Singapore, history shows that countries thrive when they invest in their people and infrastructure; when they promote multiple export industries, develop a skilled work force and create space for small and medium-sized businesses that create jobs.

As Africans reach for this promise, America will be more responsible in extending our hand. By cutting costs that go to Western consultants and administration, we will put more resources in the hands of those who need it, while training people to do more for themselves. That is why our $3.5 billion food security initiative is focused on new methods and technologies for farmers — not simply sending American producers or goods to Africa. Aid is not an end in itself. The purpose of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it is no longer needed.

America can also do more to promote trade and investment. Wealthy nations must open our doors to goods and services from Africa in a meaningful way. And where there is good governance, we can broaden prosperity through public-private partnerships that invest in better roads and electricity; capacity-building that trains people to grow a business; and financial services that reach poor and rural areas. This is also in our own interest — for if people are lifted out of poverty and wealth is created in Africa, new markets will open for our own goods.

One area that holds out both undeniable peril and extraordinary promise is energy. Africa gives off less greenhouse gas than any other part of the world, but it is the most threatened by climate change. A warming planet will spread disease, shrink water resources and deplete crops, creating conditions that produce more famine and conflict. All of us — particularly the developed world — have a responsibility to slow these trends — through mitigation, and by changing the way that we use energy. But we can also work with Africans to turn this crisis into opportunity.

Together, we can partner on behalf of our planet and prosperity and help countries increase access to power while skipping the dirtier phase of development. Across Africa, there is bountiful wind and solar power; geothermal energy and bio-fuels. From the Rift Valley to the North African deserts; from the Western coast to South Africa's crops — Africa's boundless natural gifts can generate its own power, while exporting profitable, clean energy abroad.

These steps are about more than growth numbers on a balance sheet. They're about whether a young person with an education can get a job that supports a family; a farmer can transfer their goods to the market; or an entrepreneur with a good idea can start a business. It's about the dignity of work. Its about the opportunity that must exist for Africans in the 21st century.

Just as governance is vital to opportunity, it is also critical to the third area that I will talk about — strengthening public health.

In recent years, enormous progress has been made in parts of Africa. Far more people are living productively with HIV/AIDS, and getting the drugs they need. But too many still die from diseases that shouldn't kill them. When children are being killed because of a mosquito bite, and mothers are dying in childbirth, then we know that more progress must be made.

Yet because of incentives — often provided by donor nations — many African doctors and nurses understandably go overseas, or work for programs that focus on a single disease. This creates gaps in primary care and basic prevention. Meanwhile, individual Africans also have to make responsible choices that prevent the spread of disease, while promoting public health in their communities and countries.

Across Africa, we see examples of people tackling these problems. In Nigeria, an interfaith effort of Christians and Muslims has set an example of cooperation to confront malaria. Here in Ghana and across Africa, we see innovative ideas for filling gaps in care — for instance, through E-Health initiatives that allow doctors in big cities to support those in small towns.

America will support these efforts through a comprehensive, global health strategy. Because in the 21st century, we are called to act by our conscience and our common interest. When a child dies of a preventable illness in Accra, that diminishes us everywhere. And when disease goes unchecked in any corner of the world, we know that it can spread across oceans and continents.

That is why my administration has committed $63 billion to meet these challenges. Building on the strong efforts of President Bush, we will carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS. We will pursue the goal of ending deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and eradicating polio. We will fight neglected tropical disease. And we won't confront illnesses in isolation — we will invest in public health systems that promote wellness and focus on the health of mothers and children.

As we partner on behalf of a healthier future, we must also stop the destruction that comes not from illness, but from human beings — and so the final area that I will address is conflict.

Now let me be clear: Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at war. But for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources. And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes.

These conflicts are a millstone around Africa's neck. We all have many identities — of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe, or who worships a different prophet, has no place in the 21st century. Africa's diversity should be a source of strength, not a cause for division. We are all God's children. We all share common aspirations — to live in peace and security; to access education and opportunity; to love our families, our communities, and our faith. That is our common humanity.

That is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never justifiable to target innocents in the name of ideology. It is the death sentence of a society to force children to kill in wars. It is the ultimate mark of criminality and cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systematic rape. We must bear witness to the value of every child in Darfur and the dignity of every woman in Congo. No faith or culture should condone the outrages against them. All of us must strive for the peace and security necessary for progress.

Africans are standing up for this future. Here, too, Ghana is helping to point the way forward. Ghanaians should take pride in your contributions to peacekeeping from Congo to Liberia to Lebanon, and in your efforts to resist the scourge of the drug trade. We welcome the steps that are being taken by organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS to better resolve conflicts, keep the peace, and support those in need. And we encourage the vision of a strong, regional security architecture that can bring effective, transnational force to bear when needed.

America has a responsibility to advance this vision, not just with words, but with support that strengthens African capacity. When there is genocide in Darfur or terrorists in Somalia, these are not simply African problems — they are global security challenges, and they demand a global response. That is why we stand ready to partner through diplomacy, technical assistance, and logistical support, and will stand behind efforts to hold war criminals accountable. And let me be clear: our Africa Command is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America, Africa and the world.

In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed. That must include a commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don't, and to help those who have suffered. But ultimately, it will be vibrant democracies like Botswana and Ghana which roll back the causes of conflict, and advance the frontiers of peace and prosperity.

As I said earlier, Africa's future is up to Africans.

The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. In my country, African-Americans — including so many recent immigrants — have thrived in every sector of society. We have done so despite a difficult past, and we have drawn strength from our African heritage. With strong institutions and a strong will, I know that Africans can live their dreams in Nairobi and Lagos; in Kigali and Kinshasa; in Harare and right here in Accra.

Fifty-two years ago, the eyes of the world were on Ghana. And a young preacher named Martin Luther King traveled here, to Accra, to watch the Union Jack come down and the Ghanaian flag go up. This was before the march on Washington or the success of the civil rights movement in my country. Dr. King was asked how he felt while watching the birth of a nation. And he said: "It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of justice."

Now, that triumph must be won once more, and it must be won by you. And I am particularly speaking to the young people. In places like Ghana, you make up over half of the population. Here is what you must know: the world will be what you make of it.

You have the power to hold your leaders accountable and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease, end conflicts and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can. Because in this moment, history is on the move.

But these things can only be done if you take responsibility for your future. It won't be easy. It will take time and effort. There will be suffering and setbacks. But I can promise you this: America will be with you. As a partner. As a friend. Opportunity won't come from any other place, though — it must come from the decisions that you make, the things that you do, and the hope that you hold in your hearts.

Freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build upon freedom's foundation. And if you do, we will look back years from now to places like Accra and say that this was the time when the promise was realized — this was the moment when prosperity was forged; pain was overcome; and a new era of progress began. This can be the time when we witness the triumph of justice once more.

Thank you.

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AGOA Forum Seeks to Expand U.S.-Africa Trade and Investment

Assistant Secretary Johnnie Carson speaks to African diplomats

The eighth African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) Forum, which will be held in Nairobi, Kenya, August 4–6, is the only ministerial event held annually between the United States and sub-Saharan Africa, said the assistant secretary of state for African affairs, Ambassador Johnnie Carson, who said the Obama administration is seeking to strengthen and deepen America’s ties with the region.

Carson spoke to the African diplomatic corps in Washington June 19 at the State Department, along with Peter Ogego, the Kenyan ambassador to the United States, whose country will host the forum. They were joined by a broad array of other senior U.S. officials who plan to attend the trade ministerial. All had gathered to brief the diplomatic corps on the ministerial and to solicit input.

President Obama, with the close support of Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, “wants to engage positively, actively with Africa,” Carson told his audience, in one of his first appearances before the African diplomatic corps as assistant secretary of state for African affairs. “You are clearly part of our foreign policy agenda,” he told his audience. “We value Africa and the role that it plays in the international community, and it is our determination to try to strengthen the relationship, build it as broadly and as deeply as we possibly can.

“In building bridges and in building relationships with countries,” he said, “it is indeed a two-way street. We can do our part, and we are determined to do that. We hope that we will have strong partners on the other side to help work with us to help achieve our objectives.”

AGOA is a part of that process, he said. “AGOA is a part of the effort to strengthen the relationship in the area of trade and commerce, and we want to do more. We want to build on this.”

Carson, a former U.S. ambassador to Uganda, Zimbabwe and Kenya, said the United States is “extraordinarily pleased” that the government of Kenya will host the eighth AGOA forum, which will be centered on the theme “Realizing the Full Potential of AGOA through the Expansion of Trade and Investment.”

Trade and investment, Carson said, are two of the “many important links” between sub-Saharan Africa and the United States, “which share many historic bonds and common objectives.”

The Trade and Development Act of 2000, which created AGOA, mandated an annual trade and economic cooperation forum with eligible sub-Saharan African nations to discuss expanding trade and investment relations between the United States and sub-Saharan Africa. The act offers tangible incentives for African countries to continue their efforts to open their economies and build free markets.

At a time of economic crisis, he explained, it is important that both the United States and sub-Saharan African countries “work cooperatively to protect the advances in economic growth that have been made and lessen the negative impact of market fluctuations.”

To ensure the widest possible U.S. government participation, Carson said, members of the U.S. Congress have been briefed on AGOA and have been asked as well for their views. “We have also been working very closely with members of civil society and the private sector to ensure that we have captured their concerns as well,” he added.

The AGOA Forum will begin with private sector and civil society events August 4 at the same time the Africa Consultative Group convenes. The ministerial will begin August 5 and conclude August 6.

Carson praised the government of Kenya for doing an “absolutely wonderful job” of organizing what he predicted would be a “dynamic and very successful” AGOA Forum.

Carson thanked the African diplomats for providing their suggestions on the AGOA Forum and, in particular, Kenya’s ambassador, Ogego, for his work to make the event a success.

Topics to be covered at the forum range from democracy and good governance to regional trade integration. Discussion topics include “Possible Effects of Global Challenges on AGOA,” “Africa Trade,” “Successes and Prospects,” “Transportation and Supply Chain Infrastructure” and “Meeting Food Markets Poverty Challenges by Transforming Staple Food Markets and Trade Systems.”

Carson told the diplomats: “We value your input, your engagement and your activity in making this year’s forum a success. I certainly look forward in working with your governments in Nairobi to make this one of the best AGOA Forums that we have ever had.”

By Charles W. Corey

http://www.besternews.com/related/America.gov-World%20Regions:%20Africa/AGOA%20Forum%20Seeks%20to%20Expand%20U.S.-Africa%20Trade%20and%20Investment/?ref=world|africa/

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Will Africa's Obamas emerge from U.S president's Ghana visit?

From July 10 to 11, 2009, President Barack Obama will be in the west African country of Ghana, assessed by the U.S government as "one of our most trusted partners in sub-Saharan Africa." The additional goals of the visit, according to the Obama White House, will be "to highlight the critical role that sound governance and civil society play in promoting lasting development."

Obama becomes America's third president to visit Ghana since 1998, and this his second official trip to the African continent. The geo-demographic fact is that his first trip was to Egypt on June 4, 2009, where he spoke about Islam and democracy, rights of women in Islam and modern society, extremist variants of Islamic theologies and the challenge of peaceful co-existence. As Obama spoke carefully to the wider issues in the Middle East at the Cairo University, the same problems are faced in raw, stark and unvarnished reality by millions of Africa's christians and traditional religionists who are on the frontline and receiving end of fascistic, Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism.

Beyond the diplomatese, what will be the practical, key issues for Obama as he visits Ghana and speaks to the entire continent? What does it mean for Africans and Americans?

First and foremost, for many African-born citizens of America such as myself and millions of continental African professionals, Barack Hussein Obama is not only the 44th President of the United States of America, he's an outstanding son of Africa who on November 4, 2008, achieved the previously unthinkable: one of our own being voted in to lead the most powerful country in the world!

On January 20, 2009 in Washington DC, after the historic events of Obama's inauguration, I chatted with one of Obama's Africa advisers who said "Obama has witnessed the downside of one-party rule in Africa and he's not for that. He means change and more openness."

Signally, Obama's White House chose the small west African country of only 23 million peoples, spurning Ghana's neighbor, the "giant of Africa" Nigeria with its 125 million citizens and the largest economic demographic clout, questionable political leadership, endemic corruption, ethnic and religious violence, environmental destruction of its Niger Delta and creeks, political assassinations and kidnappings, epileptic electricity supply, and a list enough to fill the Galveston bay.

In this regard, Nobel Prize winner from Nigeria Wole Soyinka is quoted on USAfricaonline.com as saying: "If Obama decides to grace Nigeria with his presence, I will stone him. The message he is sending by going to Ghana is so obvious, is so brilliant, that he must not render it flawed by coming to Nigeria any time soon."

Second, Obama is in Ghana principally for America's core strategic interests: Oil. I know that oil and stable access to oil are vital parts of U.S national security interest across the west African Gulf of Guinea region. Ghana recently discovered billions of barrels of oil reserves. U.S corporations, especially Exxon Mobil and Chevron are also investing heavily in the area. Operationally, the U.S has re-fueling hubs in Ghana. Also, worthy of note is the US National Intelligence Council (NIC) estimates that by 2015, 25 percent of American oil imports will be derived from west Africa. It is roughly 14 to 16 percent to date, amidst massive disruptions in Nigeria's Niger Delta. Ghana is stable while the Middle East and parts of Nigeria are increasingly dicey for America's hard-nosed, long-term interests. Ghana is certainly valuable to the U.S convergence of interests on the arenas of military, oil and democratic credentials.

Third, the bilateral and bi-continental issue of fighting or containing al-Qaeda and its advances into Africa's "failed states" and actual threats to multi-religious and democratizing countries in the continent remain obligations of the Obama presidency. I have argued previously on this page that a police-law-enforcement approach to al-Qaeda in Africa will be inadequate. A bold, thorough-going draining of the swamp of radical, fundamentalist theologies which feed and fuel terrorism is necessary. Already the U.S and Ghana hold joint exercises at the funnily-named Jungle Warfare School (JWS) at Achiase in eastern Ghana.

Fourth, Obama has to speak to a "new foundation" for Africa's future amidst commendable deregulation in many parts of the continent. He has to speak to the strategic imperatives of creating a more viable structure of free market economies in Africa accommodating the realistic roles of government in the core issues of healthcare, education, security and such core, critical projects.

Africa's economies have made some bold structural changes but the political clutches of the ruling parties also stifle the ventilation of ideas and expansion of opportunities necessary to compete in this digital age. Internet access is the poorest and lowest in the world, except South Africa, Botswana and increasingly Nigeria and Kenya.

Fifth, Obama whose father is an indigenous scholarly Kenyan and mother is a resourceful White woman from Kansas will deal with the critical, clashing issue of aid or trade between the U.S and Africa. In my view, it should be both; it's not a choice of one over the other.

Africa development specialists, Obama and those before him agree that the wise words “Give a man a fish; you have fed him for today. Teach a man to fish; and you have fed him for a lifetime” applies to Africa's crises and transformation; moreso today.

The U.S reasonably propelled the the AGOA (Africa Growth and Opportunity Act) to enhance trade. I covered its historic signing ceremony in South Africa as championed by South Africa's former president Nelson Mandela and U.S former President Bill Clinton. Fair and equitable trade is good. AGOA reportedly increased the value of African garment exports to the U.S from US$580 in 1999 to US$1.4 billion in 2003.

Sixth, I expect that on Saturday July 11, 2009, Obama will live up to the historical context of his being the first U.S President of African-American heritage by visiting the slave castles by the Cape Coast of Ghana. Ghana is pivotal to the ancestral origins of hundreds of thousands of enslaved Blacks whose heritage drew directly from that Cape, northern and central regions of Ghana. Similar historical, demographic facts exist for the south eastern Igbos of Nigeria and African-Americans and Afri-Caribbeans.

Overall, Obama's presidency should continue to support Africa's increasing coalition of democracy activists and pressurize the remnants of Africa's rulership to responsibly embrace and respect the value of fair, peaceful and free elections as opposed to the charade of self-perpetuation in office, choking indolence posing as mandate and selections masquerading as elections.

As Africans celebrate America's Obama, we look forward to our home-grown Obamas in Africa. Yes, we can!

--------

Chido Nwangwu, recipient of the Journalism and Public Policy Excellence award (1997), is based in Houston where he serves as the Founder and Publisher of USAfrica and the first African-owned U.S.-based professional newspaper to be published on the internet USAfricaonline.com, USAfrica The Newspaper, CLASS magazine and The Black Business Journal. He served as an adviser to the former Mayor of Houston (Dr. Lee P. Brown) on international business (Africa), the Houston board of the NAACP, and appears as an analyst on CNN, VOA, NPR, CBS, NBC and ABC news affiliates. e-mail: Chido247@Gmail.com

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NEW INVESTMENT MONITORING TOOL AIMS TO BOOST BUSINESS IN AFRICA

Mapping investment flows in Africa and offering investors more information for analysis and decision making is the aim of a new Internet-based Monitoring Platform launched by the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) and the African Union Commission at a meeting in Addis-Ababa today.

The two-day event was attended by the Ministers of Industry from Cote d'Ivoire, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya and Senegal, as well as representatives of the African Development Bank, the Islamic Development Bank, African investment promotion agencies, the private sector, and UNIDO experts.

The new Investment Monitoring Platform will provide data and information on the characteristics of foreign and domestic investors, as well as their motivations, actions, perceptions, intentions, and impact.

UNIDO Director-General, Kandeh K. Yumkella, welcomed the initiative, saying: “The Monitoring Platform will bring a new level of transparency to the investment and business landscape in Africa. It will allow country ranking through investor evaluation and performance. It will also enable investors to conduct analysis and make more informed decisions, better assess business risks, and identify potential counterparts.”

The data on the platform will be supplied through bi-annual surveys of both foreign and domestic investors conducted in more than 20 African countries by UNIDO. The first surveys will start on 23 July in Kenya and Senegal. By the end of October, 22 countries will have been covered.

“The information gathered will also allow for a better understanding of the impact of the global financial crisis on investment flows in Africa. It will help Government and national agencies design more effective investment and business policies, promotion strategies and services that respond to investor needs, and formulate viable industrialization strategies for the continent,” said Yumkella.

The Investment Monitoring Platform, designed in partnership with the Microsoft Corporation, is supported by the African Union Commission and financed by the European Union Commission, the Governments of Austria, Italy, Turkey and South Africa. It is the result of the collaboration between UNIDO and the Investment Promotion Agencies Network (AfrIPANet), established in 2001 and currently comprising more than 40 members throughout Africa. One of its objective is to promote partnerships among investment promotion and industrial development stakeholders at the national and regional levels.

The investment monitoring platform is part of the industrialization strategy for Africa adopted by the Conference of African Ministers of Industry at Durban, South Africa, in October 2008.

For more information, please visit the Afripanet website

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President Obama - Speech at the New Economic School in Moscow on his vision for the U.S.-Russia relationship.

Thank you so much. Well, congratulations, Oxana. And to the entire Class of 2009, congratulations to you. I don't know if anybody else will meet their future wife or husband in class like I did, but I'm sure that you're all going to have wonderful careers.

I want to acknowledge a few people who are here. We have President Mikhail Gorbachev is here today, and I want everybody to give him a big round of applause. (Applause.) I want to thank Sergei Gurief, Director of the New Economic School. (Applause.) Max Boiko, their Chairman of the Board. (Applause.) And Arkady Dvorkovich, who is the NES board member, President of the Alumni Association and is doing an excellent job for President Medvedev, because he was in our meeting yesterday. (Applause.)

Good morning. It is a great honor for me to join you at the New Economic School. Michelle and I are so pleased to be in Moscow. And as somebody who was born in Hawaii, I'm glad to be here in July instead of January. (Laughter and applause.)

I know that NES is a young school, but I speak to you today with deep respect for Russia's timeless heritage. Russian writers have helped us understand the complexity of the human experience, and recognize eternal truths. Russian painters, composers, and dancers have introduced us to new forms of beauty. Russian scientists have cured disease, sought new frontiers of progress, and helped us go to space.

These are contributions that are not contained by Russia's borders, as vast as those borders are. Indeed, Russia's heritage has touched every corner of the world, and speaks to the humanity that we share. That includes my own country, which has been blessed with Russian immigrants for decades; we've been enriched by Russian culture, and enhanced by Russian cooperation. And as a resident of Washington, D.C., I continue to benefit from the contributions of Russians -- specifically, from Alexander Ovechkin. We're very pleased to have him in Washington, D.C. (Applause.)

Here at NES, you have inherited this great cultural legacy, but your focus on economics is no less fundamental to the future of humanity. As Pushkin said, "Inspiration is needed in geometry just as much as poetry." And today, I want particularly to speak to those of you preparing to graduate. You're poised to be leaders in academia and industry; in finance and government. But before you move forward, it's worth reflecting on what has already taken place during your young lives.

Like President Medvedev and myself, you're not old enough to have witnessed the darkest hours of the Cold War, when hydrogen bombs were tested in the atmosphere, and children drilled in fallout shelters, and we reached the brink of nuclear catastrophe. But you are the last generation born when the world was divided. At that time, the American and Soviet armies were still massed in Europe, trained and ready to fight. The ideological trenches of the last century were roughly in place. Competition in everything from astrophysics to athletics was treated as a zero-sum game. If one person won, then the other person had to lose.

And then, within a few short years, the world as it was ceased to be. Now, make no mistake: This change did not come from any one nation. The Cold War reached a conclusion because of the actions of many nations over many years, and because the people of Russia and Eastern Europe stood up and decided that its end would be peaceful.

With the end of the Cold War, there were extraordinary expectations -- for peace and for prosperity; for new arrangements among nations, and new opportunities for individuals. Like all periods of great change, it was a time of ambitious plans and endless possibilities. But, of course, things don't always work out exactly as planned. Back in 1993, shortly after this school opened, one NES student summed up the difficulty of change when he told a reporter, and I quote him: "The real world is not so rational as on paper." The real world is not so rational as on paper.

Over two tumultuous decades, that truth has been borne out around the world. Great wealth has been created, but it has not eliminated vast pockets of crushing poverty. Poverty exists here, it exists in the United States, and it exists all around the world. More people have gone to the ballot box, but too many governments still fail to protect the rights of their people. Ideological struggles have diminished, but they've been replaced by conflicts over tribe and ethnicity and religion. A human being with a computer can hold the same amount of information stored in the Russian State Library, but that technology can also be used to do great harm.

In a new Russia, the disappearance of old political and economic restrictions after the end of the Soviet Union brought both opportunity and hardship. A few prospered, but many more did not. There were tough times. But the Russian people showed strength and made sacrifices, and you achieved hard-earned progress through a growing economy and greater confidence. And despite painful times, many in Eastern Europe and Russia are much better off today than 20 years ago.

We see that progress here at NES -- a school founded with Western support that is now distinctly Russian; a place of learning and inquiry where the test of an idea is not whether it is Russian or American or European, but whether it works. Above all, we see that progress in all of you -- young people with a young century to shape as you see fit.

Your lifetime coincides with this era of transition. But think about the fundamental questions asked when this school was founded. What kind of future is Russia going to have? What kind of future are Russia and America going to have together? What world order will replace the Cold War? Those questions still don't have clear answers, and so now they must be answered by you -- by your generation in Russia, in America, and around the world. You get to decide. And while I cannot answer those questions for you, I can speak plainly about the future that America is seeking.

To begin with, let me be clear: America wants a strong, peaceful, and prosperous Russia. This belief is rooted in our respect for the Russian people, and a shared history between our nations that goes beyond competition. Despite our past rivalry, our people were allies in the greatest struggle of the last century. Recently, I noted this when I was in Normandy -- for just as men from Boston and Birmingham risked all that they had to storm those beaches and scale those cliffs, Soviet soldiers from places like Kazan and Kiev endured unimaginable hardships to repeal -- to repel an invasion, and turn the tide in the east. As President John Kennedy said, "No nation in history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second World War."

So as we honor this past, we also recognize the future benefit that will come from a strong and vibrant Russia. Think of the issues that will define your lives: security from nuclear weapons and extremism; access to markets and opportunity; health and the environment; an international system that protects sovereignty and human rights, while promoting stability and prosperity. These challenges demand global partnership, and that partnership will be stronger if Russia occupies its rightful place as a great power.

Yet unfortunately, there is sometimes a sense that old assumptions must prevail, old ways of thinking; a conception of power that is rooted in the past rather than in the future. There is the 20th century view that the United States and Russia are destined to be antagonists, and that a strong Russia or a strong America can only assert themselves in opposition to one another. And there is a 19th century view that we are destined to vie for spheres of influence, and that great powers must forge competing blocs to balance one another.

These assumptions are wrong. In 2009, a great power does not show strength by dominating or demonizing other countries. The days when empires could treat sovereign states as pieces on a chess board are over. As I said in Cairo, given our independence, any world order that -- given our interdependence, any world order that tries to elevate one nation or one group of people over another will inevitably fail. The pursuit of power is no longer a zero-sum game -- progress must be shared.

That's why I have called for a "reset" in relations between the United States and Russia. This must be more than a fresh start between the Kremlin and the White House -- though that is important and I've had excellent discussions with both your President and your Prime Minister. It must be a sustained effort among the American and Russian people to identify mutual interests, and expand dialogue and cooperation that can pave the way to progress.

This will not be easy. It's difficult to forge a lasting partnership between former adversaries, it's hard to change habits that have been ingrained in our governments and our bureaucracies for decades. But I believe that on the fundamental issues that will shape this century, Americans and Russians share common interests that form a basis for cooperation. It is not for me to define Russia's national interests, but I can tell you about America's national interests, and I believe that you will see that we share common ground.

First, America has an interest in reversing the spread of nuclear weapons and preventing their use.

In the last century, generations of Americans and Russians inherited the power to destroy nations, and the understanding that using that power would bring about our own destruction. In 2009, our inheritance is different. You and I don't have to ask whether American and Russian leaders will respect a balance of terror -- we understand the horrific consequences of any war between our two countries. But we do have to ask this question: We have to ask whether extremists who have killed innocent civilians in New York and in Moscow will show that same restraint. We have to ask whether 10 or 20 or 50 nuclear-armed nations will protect their arsenals and refrain from using them.

This is the core of the nuclear challenge in the 21st century. The notion that prestige comes from holding these weapons, or that we can protect ourselves by picking and choosing which nations can have these weapons, is an illusion. In the short period since the end of the Cold War, we've already seen India, Pakistan, and North Korea conduct nuclear tests. Without a fundamental change, do any of us truly believe that the next two decades will not bring about the further spread of these nuclear weapons?

That's why America is committed to stopping nuclear proliferation, and ultimately seeking a world without nuclear weapons. That is consistent with our commitment under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That is our responsibility as the world's two leading nuclear powers. And while I know this goal won't be met soon, pursuing it provides the legal and moral foundation to prevent the proliferation and eventual use of nuclear weapons.

We're already taking important steps to build this foundation. Yesterday, President Medvedev and I made progress on negotiating a new treaty that will substantially reduce our warheads and delivery systems. We renewed our commitment to clean, safe and peaceful nuclear energy, which must be a right for all nations that live up to their responsibilities under the NPT. And we agreed to increase cooperation on nuclear security, which is essential to achieving the goal of securing all vulnerable nuclear material within four years.

As we keep our own commitments, we must hold other nations accountable for theirs. Whether America or Russia, neither of us would benefit from a nuclear arms race in East Asia or the Middle East. That's why we should be united in opposing North Korea's efforts to become a nuclear power, and opposing Iran's efforts to acquire a nuclear weapon. And I'm pleased that President Medvedev and I agreed upon a joint threat assessment of the ballistic challenges -- ballistic missile challenges of the 21st century, including from Iran and North Korea.

This is not about singling out individual nations -- it's about the responsibilities of all nations. If we fail to stand together, then the NPT and the Security Council will lose credibility, and international law will give way to the law of the jungle. And that benefits no one. As I said in Prague, rules must be binding, violations must be punished, and words must mean something.

The successful enforcement of these rules will remove causes of disagreement. I know Russia opposes the planned configuration for missile defense in Europe. And my administration is reviewing these plans to enhance the security of America, Europe and the world. And I've made it clear that this system is directed at preventing a potential attack from Iran. It has nothing to do with Russia. In fact, I want to work together with Russia on a missile defense architecture that makes us all safer. But if the threat from Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile program is eliminated, the driving force for missile defense in Europe will be eliminated, and that is in our mutual interests.

Now, in addition to securing the world's most dangerous weapons, a second area where America has a critical national interest is in isolating and defeating violent extremists.

For years, al Qaeda and its affiliates have defiled a great religion of peace and justice, and ruthlessly murdered men, women and children of all nationalities and faiths. Indeed, above all, they have murdered Muslims. And these extremists have killed in Amman and Bali; Islamabad and Kabul; and they have the blood of Americans and Russians on their hands. They're plotting to kill more of our people, and they benefit from safe havens that allow them to train and operate -- particularly along the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan.

And that's why America has a clear goal: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its allies in Afghanistan and Pakistan. We seek no bases, nor do we want to control these nations. Instead, we want to work with international partners, including Russia, to help Afghans and Pakistanis advance their own security and prosperity. And that's why I'm pleased that Russia has agreed to allow the United States to supply our coalition forces through your territory. Neither America nor Russia has an interest in an Afghanistan or Pakistan governed by the Taliban. It's time to work together on behalf of a different future -- a future in which we leave behind the great game of the past and the conflict of the present; a future in which all of us contribute to the security of Central Asia.

Now, beyond Afghanistan, America is committed to promoting the opportunity that will isolate extremists. We are helping the Iraqi people build a better future, and leaving Iraq to the Iraqis. We're pursuing the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living in peace and security. We're partnering with Muslim communities around the world to advance education, health, and economic development. In each of these endeavors, I believe that the Russian people share our goals, and will benefit from success -- and we need to partner together.

Now, in addition to these security concerns, the third area that I will discuss is America's interest in global prosperity. And since we have so many economists and future businessmen and women in the room, I know this is of great interest to you.

We meet in the midst of the worst global recession in a generation. I believe that the free market is the greatest force for creating and distributing wealth that the world has known. But wherever the market is allowed to run rampant -- through excessive risk-taking, a lack of regulation, or corruption -- then all are endangered, whether we live on the Mississippi or on the Volga.

In America, we're now taking unprecedented steps to jumpstart our economy and reform our system of regulation. But just as no nation can wall itself off from the consequences of a global crisis, no one can serve as the sole engine of global growth. You see, during your lives, something fundamental has changed. And while this crisis has shown us the risks that come with change, that risk is overwhelmed by opportunity.

Think of what's possible today that was unthinkable two decades ago. A young woman with an Internet connection in Bangalore, India can compete with anybody anywhere in the world. An entrepreneur with a start-up company in Beijing can take his business global. An NES professor in Moscow can collaborate with colleagues at Harvard or Stanford. That's good for all of us, because when prosperity is created in India, that's a new market for our goods; when new ideas take hold in China, that pushes our businesses to innovate; when new connections are forged among people, all of us are enriched.

There is extraordinary potential for increased cooperation between Americans and Russians. We can pursue trade that is free and fair and integrated with the wider world. We can boost investment that creates jobs in both our countries, we can forge partnerships on energy that tap not only traditional resources, like oil and gas, but new sources of energy that will drive growth and combat climate change. All of that, Americans and Russians can do together.

Now, government can promote this cooperation, but ultimately individuals must advance this cooperation, because the greatest resource of any nation in the 21st century is you. It's people; it's young people especially. And the country which taps that resource will be the country that will succeed. That success depends upon economies that function within the rule of law. As President Medvedev has rightly said, a mature and effective legal system is a condition for sustained economic development. People everywhere should have the right to do business or get an education without paying a bribe. Whether they are in America or Russia or Africa or Latin America, that's not a American idea or a Russian idea -- that's how people and countries will succeed in the 21st century.

And this brings me to the fourth issue that I will discuss -- America's interest in democratic governments that protect the rights of their people.

By no means is America perfect. But it is our commitment to certain universal values which allows us to correct our imperfections, to improve constantly, and to grow stronger over time. Freedom of speech and assembly has allowed women, and minorities, and workers to protest for full and equal rights at a time when they were denied. The rule of law and equal administration of justice has busted monopolies, shut down political machines that were corrupt, ended abuses of power. Independent media have exposed corruption at all levels of business and government. Competitive elections allow us to change course and hold our leaders accountable. If our democracy did not advance those rights, then I, as a person of African ancestry, wouldn't be able to address you as an American citizen, much less a President. Because at the time of our founding, I had no rights -- people who looked like me. But it is because of that process that I can now stand before you as President of the United States.

So around the world, America supports these values because they are moral, but also because they work. The arc of history shows that governments which serve their own people survive and thrive; governments which serve only their own power do not. Governments that represent the will of their people are far less likely to descend into failed states, to terrorize their citizens, or to wage war on others. Governments that promote the rule of law, subject their actions to oversight, and allow for independent institutions are more dependable trading partners. And in our own history, democracies have been America's most enduring allies, including those we once waged war with in Europe and Asia -- nations that today live with great security and prosperity.

Now let me be clear: America cannot and should not seek to impose any system of government on any other country, nor would we presume to choose which party or individual should run a country. And we haven't always done what we should have on that front. Even as we meet here today, America supports now the restoration of the democratically-elected President of Honduras, even though he has strongly opposed American policies. We do so not because we agree with him. We do so because we respect the universal principle that people should choose their own leaders, whether they are leaders we agree with or not.

And that leads me to the final area that I will discuss, which is America's interest in an international system that advances cooperation while respecting the sovereignty of all nations.

State sovereignty must be a cornerstone of international order. Just as all states should have the right to choose their leaders, states must have the right to borders that are secure, and to their own foreign policies. That is true for Russia, just as it is true for the United States. Any system that cedes those rights will lead to anarchy. That's why we must apply this principle to all nations -- and that includes nations like Georgia and Ukraine. America will never impose a security arrangement on another country. For any country to become a member of an organization like NATO, for example, a majority of its people must choose to; they must undertake reforms; they must be able to contribute to the Alliance's mission. And let me be clear: NATO should be seeking collaboration with Russia, not confrontation.

And more broadly, we need to foster cooperation and respect among all nations and peoples. As President of the United States, I will work tirelessly to protect America's security and to advance our interests. But no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor dictate its terms to the world. That is something that America now understands, just as Russia understands. That's why America seeks an international system that lets nations pursue their interests peacefully, especially when those interests diverge; a system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed; a system where we hold ourselves to the same standards that we apply to other nations, with clear rights and responsibilities for all.

There was a time when Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin could shape the world in one meeting. Those days are over. The world is more complex today. Billions of people have found their voice, and seek their own measure of prosperity and self-determination in every corner of the planet. Over the past two decades, we've witnessed markets grow, wealth spread, and technology used to build -- not destroy. We've seen old hatreds pass, illusions of differences between people lift and fade away; we've seen the human destiny in the hands of more and more human beings who can shape their own destinies. Now, we must see that the period of transition which you have lived through ushers in a new era in which nations live in peace, and people realize their aspirations for dignity, security, and a better life for their children. That is America's interest, and I believe that it is Russia's interest as well.

I know that this future can seem distant. Change is hard. In the words of that NES student back in 1993, the real world is not so rational as on paper. But think of the change that has unfolded with the passing of time. One hundred years ago, a czar ruled Russia, and Europe was a place of empire. When I was born, segregation was still the law of the land in parts of America, and my father's Kenya was still a colony. When you were born, a school like this would have been impossible, and the Internet was only known to a privileged few.

You get to decide what comes next. You get to choose where change will take us, because the future does not belong to those who gather armies on a field of battle or bury missiles in the ground; the future belongs to young people with an education and the imagination to create. That is the source of power in this century. And given all that has happened in your two decades on Earth, just imagine what you can create in the years to come.

Every country charts its own course. Russia has cut its way through time like a mighty river through a canyon, leaving an indelible mark on human history as it goes. As you move this story forward, look to the future that can be built if we refuse to be burdened by the old obstacles and old suspicions; look to the future that can be built if we partner on behalf of the aspirations we hold in common. Together, we can build a world where people are protected, prosperity is enlarged, and our power truly serves progress. And it is all in your hands. Good luck to all of you. Thank you very much. (Applause.)

President Obama's full remarks, as delivered and released by the White House.

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OPEN LETTER TO G8 LEADERS ON A GLOBAL FUND FOR EDUCATION

OPEN LETTER TO G8 LEADERS ON A GLOBAL FUND FOR EDUCATION FROM MARY ROBINSON, ARCHBISHOP DESMOND TUTU AND MUHAMMAD YUNUS

June 30, 2009

To the Leaders of the G8:

We, the undersigned, are writing to implore the leaders of the world’s richest countries to renew their commitment to the children of the world by revitalizing the global compact on Education for All.

At this year’s G8, we urge those same leaders to announce an agreement to launch a fully resourced Global Fund for Education.

We are heartened by the commitment of the United States President, Barack Obama, to provide a contribution of at least $2 billion dollars to a Global Fund for Education which would help to eliminate the global education deficit by 2015.

Such a bold and ambitious plan should be endorsed by other members of the G8 through a public commitment to such an initiative, which must be launched before the end of the year with full funding.

A Global Fund for Education would ensure that the funding shortfall is no longer the main impediment to progress on basic education, and moreover that those investments have the greatest impact on access to and quality of education.

At this time of fiscal crises, it is even more imperative that we provide the safety net of knowledge to the world’s poorest children and save them from paying with their lives for our financial mistakes.

Education must be an integral part of the global response to the economic crisis. Without skills such as literacy, numeracy and problem-solving, millions of children and adults are trapped in poverty.

Education is the key to unlocking inter-generational deprivation, as it offers the knowledge people need to live healthy, happy lives.

By investing in education, the G8 can leverage huge returns in women and children’s health, nation and peace-building, and global economic development now and in the future.

At this critical time, millions of children are dropping out of school to join the labor market, governments are being forced to cut their education budgets and total aid commitments to basic education are dropping at an alarming rate.

We are making an urgent and personal appeal for the G8 to achieve Education for All by committing to launch a Global Fund for Education by the end of the year.

Sincerely,

Mary Robinson, former President of Ireland

Desmond Tutu, Archbishop Emeritus of Cape Town

Professor Muhammad Yunus

http://tinyurl.com/qxaufd

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Expressing the sense of Congress that Africa is of significant strategic, political, economic, and humanitarian importance to the United States.

111th CONGRESSCommentsClose CommentsPermalink

1st SessionCommentsClose CommentsPermalink

H. CON. RES. 128CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Expressing the sense of Congress that Africa is of significant strategic, political, economic, and humanitarian importance to the United States.CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVESCommentsClose CommentsPermalink

May 18, 2009CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Mr. RUSH (for himself, Mr. PAYNE, Mr. MCDERMOTT, Mr. RANGEL, Ms. KILPATRICK of Michigan, Ms. CLARKE, Mr. CLAY, Mr. FATTAH, Mr. CUMMINGS, Mr. MEEKS of New York, Mr. CAO, and Mr. ROYCE) submitted the following concurrent resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign AffairsCommentsClose CommentsPermalink

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CONCURRENT RESOLUTIONCommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Expressing the sense of Congress that Africa is of significant strategic, political, economic, and humanitarian importance to the United States.CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas contemporary United States ties with Sub-Saharan Africa today far transcend the humanitarian interests that have frequently underpinned United States engagement with the continent;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas Africa now plays an increasingly significant role in meeting the world’s energy needs, supplying new and old technologies with vital mineral resources, and countering the transnational threats of terrorism, piracy, global health crises, and trafficking in illegal narcotics and persons;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas there is a growing understanding in foreign policy circles that economic development, natural resource management, human security, and global stability are inextricably linked;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas Freedom House concluded this year that 19 African countries are electoral democracies and asserted that these include ‘some of the most promising examples of new democracies in the world--places where leaders who came to power through fair and competitive elections provide real opportunities for their citizens to live in freedom’;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas the United States Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) has entered into 11 compacts with African countries, worth nearly $4.5 billion, reflecting these countries’ commitment to policies that promote political and economic freedom, investments in education and health, the sustainable use of natural resources, control of corruption, and respect for civil liberties and the rule of law;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas African economies are among the fastest growing globally and registered nearly 6 percent overall economic growth in 2007, the highest in 20 years;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas there are now 40 sub-Saharan African countries eligible for trade benefits under the United States African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), the highest number ever;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas United States exports to Sub-Saharan Africa totaled $14.4 billion in 2007, an amount more than double that of 2001, while United States total imports from sub-Saharan Africa more than tripled during this period, to $67.4 billion;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas United States firms are a leading provider of foreign direct investment to Sub-Saharan Africa, investing $13.8 billion by year-end 2006;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas the United States Government and private sector jointly promote Africa’s economic development, United States trade with the region, and United States-Africa business partnerships;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas African states have collectively adopted the African Union’s New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), a self-imposed framework for socio-economic development that aims to improve governance and promote friendlier ties among states;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas oil from North and Sub-Saharan Africa accounted for over 19.5 percent of United States oil imports in 2008, a greater share than oil from Persian Gulf countries;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas the proportion of United States oil imports from Africa is expected to grow to 25 percent over the next decade;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas Africa’s natural resources, if carefully managed, will contribute to global prosperity and expand economic growth in Africa;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas the creation of a United States military Africa Command in 2007 reflects Africa’s long-term strategic value and strives for a more coherent, coordinated, and effective United States Africa policy;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas the territorial waters of the Horn of Africa are a zone of international strategic importance because a large proportion of global energy supplies and commercial shipping pass through them, necessitating increased United States cooperation with African countries to improve border and coastal security;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas United States military cooperation with Africa is growing, with United States and African forces routinely conducting joint exercises;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas African governments are steadily taking a larger role in the provision of security and peacekeeping on the continent, due in part to United States security assistance and training;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas over 300 million Muslims live in Africa, where they enjoy a long history of tolerance and inter-faith cooperation, making Africa an ideal place for the United States to foster and expand its relationship with the Islamic world;CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas Africa’s growing importance is reflected in the intensifying efforts of China, Russia, India, Iran, and other countries to gain access to African resources and advance their ties to the region; andCommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Whereas a more comprehensive, multi-faceted regional policy is essential for the United States to operate effectively in this increasingly competitive environment: Now, therefore, be itCommentsClose CommentsPermalink

Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That it is the sense of Congress that--CommentsClose CommentsPermalink

(1) Africa is of significant strategic, political, economic, and humanitarian importance to the United States; andCommentsClose CommentsPermalink

(2) the United States should vigorously pursue the formation and implementation of an integrated policy framework to advance economic development and trade relations with African nations and to foster strategic, political, economic, humanitarian, and cultural ties of mutual benefit to the United States and Africa.

• Rep. Bobby Rush [D, IL-1]
• and 18 Co-Sponsors
  • Rep. John Boozman [R, AR-3]
  • Rep. Anh Cao [R, LA-2]
  • Rep. Yvette Clarke [D, NY-11]
  • Rep. William Clay [D, MO-1]
  • Rep. Elijah Cummings [D, MD-7]
  • Rep. Chaka Fattah [D, PA-2]
  • Rep. Michael Honda [D, CA-15]
  • Rep. Bob Inglis [R, SC-4]
  • Rep. Sheila Jackson-Lee [D, TX-18]
  • Rep. Carolyn Kilpatrick [D, MI-13]
  • Rep. Barbara Lee [D, CA-9]
  • Rep. James McDermott [D, WA-7]
  • Rep. Gregory Meeks [D, NY-6]
  • Rep. Donald Payne [D, NJ-10]
  • Rep. Charles Rangel [D, NY-15]
  • Rep. Edward Royce [R, CA-40]
  • Rep. Diane Watson [D, CA-33]
  • Rep. Lynn Woolsey [D, CA-6]

http://www.opencongress.org/bill/111-hc128/text

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